When the Roman legions conquered Greece, Roman
historians wrote with as little imagination as did the
European historians who have written of the white man's
conquest of America. . . .
--
Felix Cohen,
After Christopher Columbus's first encounter with a continent
that he initially mistook for India, North America became the
permanent home of several markedly different cultural and
ethnic groups. The "Age of Discovery" that Columbus
initiated in 1492 was also an age of cultural interchange
between the peoples of Europe and the Americas. Each learned
from the other, borrowing artifacts -- and ideas. This
traffic continues today. The result of such extensive
communication across cultural lines has produced in
contemporary North America a composite culture that is rich
in diversity, and of a type unique in the world.
The
creation of this culture began with first contact --
possibly long before Columbus's landing. Fragments of
pottery that resemble Japanese patterns have been found
in present-day Equador, dated well before the birth of
Christ. The Vikings left some tools behind in northeast
North America. But while pottery, tools, and other things
may be traced and dated, ideas are harder to follow through
time. Thus, while the introduction of new flora, fauna,
and tools has been given some study, the communication of
ideas has been neglected.
American
Indians visited Europe before the Pilgrims
landed at Plymouth Rock. Squanto, a Wampanoag, one of
several Indians kidnapped from their native land (the
immigrants called it New England), visited England during
1614 and returned home in time to meet the somewhat
bewildered Pilgrims, who arrived during the fall of 1620,
unprepared for winter on a continent that, to them, was as
new as it was forbidding. It was Squanto who surprised the
Pilgrims by greeting them in English and who helped the
new immigrants survive that first winter, a season that
produced the first Thanksgiving. At that first feast, Indians
provided the Europeans with turkey, one of the best-remembered
examples of cultural interchange in United States popular
history. For his role in acculturating these English subjects
to a new land, Squanto has been called a Pilgrim father.
During
the years following the landing of the Pilgrims,
American Indians contributed many foods to the diet of a
growing number of Euro-Americans. By the twentieth
century, almost half the world's domesticated crops,
including the staples -- corn and white potatoes -- were
first cultivated by American Indians. Aside from turkey,
corn, and white potatoes, Indians also contributed manoic,
sweet potatoes, squash, peanuts, peppers, pumpkins, tomatoes,
pineapples, the avocado, cacao (chocolate), chicle (a
constituent of chewing gum), several varieties of beans,
and at least seventy other domesticated food plants. Almost
all the cotton grown in the United States was derived from
varieties originally cultivated by Indians. Rubber, too, was
contributed by native Americans.
Several
American Indian medicines also came into use among
Euro-Americans. These included quinine, laxatives, as well
as several dozen other drugs and herbal medicines. Euro-Americans
adapted to their own needs many Indian articles
of clothing and other artifacts such as hammocks, kayaks,
canoes, moccasins, smoking pipes, dog sleds, and parkas. With
the plants and artifacts came the Indian words used to
describe them, and other features of what, to the
Europeans, was a new land. Half the states in the United
States of America today bear names first spoken among
Indians; the thousands of words that entered English and
other European languages from American Indian sources
are too numerous even to list in this brief survey.
Assertions
have also been made that Indian contributions
helped shape Euro-American folksongs, locations for
railroads and highways, ways of dying cloth, war tactics,
and even bathing habits. The amount of communication
from Indians to Euro-Americans was all the more surprising
because Indians usually made no conscious effort to
convert the colonists to their ways. While Euro-Americans
often used trade and gift giving to introduce, and later
sell, products of their cultures to Indians, Euro-American
adoption of Indian artifacts, unlike some of those from
Euro-Americans to Indians, was completely voluntary. In
the words of Max Savelle, scholar of the revolutionary period,
Indian artifacts "were to contribute their own ingredients to
the amalgam that was to be America's civilization." This
influence was woven into the lives of Europeans in
America despite the fact that Indians lacked organized
means of propagation, but simply because they were useful
and necessary to life in the New World.
Unlike
the physical aspects of this amalgam, the intellectual
contributions of American Indians to Euro-American
culture have only lightly, and for the most part
recently, been studied by a few historians, anthropologists,
scholars of law, and others. Where physical artifacts may
be traced more or less directly, the communication of ideas
may, most often, only be inferred from those islands
of knowledge remaining in written records. These
written records are almost exclusively of Euro-American
origin, and often leave blind spots that may be partly filled
only by records based on Indian oral history.
Paul
Bohanan, writing in the introduction of Beyond the
Frontier (1967), which he coedited with Fred Plog, stressed
the need to "tear away the veils of ethnocentricism," which
he asserted have often kept scholars from seeing that
peoples whom they had relegated to the category of
"primitive" possessed "institutions as complex and histories
as full as our own." A. Irving Hallowell, to make a similar
point, quoted Bernard de Voto:
To De Voto's assertion, Hallowell added: "Since most
history has been written by the conquerers, the influence of
the primitive people upon American civilization has
seldom been the subject of dispassionate consideration."
Felix
Cohen, author of the Handbook of Indian Law, the
basic reference book of his field, also advised a similar
course of study and a similar break with prevailing
ethnocentricism. Writing in the American Scholar (1952),
Cohen said:
American historians, wrote Cohen, had too often paid
attention to military victories and changing land
boundaries, while failing to "see that in agriculture, in
government, in sport, in education and in our views of
nature and our fellow men, it is the first Americans who
have taken captive their battlefield conquerers." American
historians "have seen America only as an imitation of
Europe," Cohen asserted. In his view, "The real epic of
America is the yet unfinished story of the Americanization
of the white man."
Cohen's
broad indictment does not include all scholars,
nor all historians. The question of American Indian
influence on the intellectual traditions of Euro-American
culture has been raised, especially during the last thirty
years. These questions, however, have not yet been
examined in the depth that the complexity of Indian
contributions warrant.
To
raise such questions is not to ignore, nor to negate,
the profound influence of Europe on American intellectual
development. It is, rather, to add a few new brush strokes
to an as yet unfinished portrait. It is to explore the
intellectual trade between cultures that has made America
unique, built from contributions not only by Europeans and
American Indians, but also by almost every other major
cultural and ethnic group that has taken up residence in
the Americas.
What
follows is only a first step, tracing the way in
which Benjamin Franklin and some of his contemporaries,
including Thomas Jefferson, absorbed American Indian
political and social ideas, and how some of these ideas
were combined with the cultural heritage they had brought
from Europe into a rationale for revolution in a new
land. There is a case to be made in that American Indian
thought helped make that possible.[2]
Comparison
of the Iroquois' system of government with
that of the new United States' began with Lewis Henry
Morgan, known as the "father of American anthropology,"
who produced in 1851 the first systematic study of an
American Indian social organization in his League of the
Ho-de-no-sau-nee, or Iroquois. Following more than a
decade of close association with the Iroquois, especially
Ely Parker (the Seneca who helped arrange Morgan's
adoption by the Iroquois), Morgan observed:
"The
People of the Longhouse commended to our
forefathers a union of colonies similar to their own as early
as 1755," Morgan wrote. "They [the Iroquois] saw in the
common interests and common speech of the colonies the
elements for a confederation." Morgan believed that the
Iroquois Confederacy contained "the germ of modern
parliament, congress, and legislature."
Morgan's
major works have been widely reprinted in the
United States and in several other countries during the
century and a half since he first sat around the Iroquois
Confederacy's council fire with his newly acquired
brothers. In some of these editions, the idea of Iroquois
influence on the formation of the United States' political
and social system have been raised anew. Herbert M. Lloyd,
in an introduction to the 1902 Dodd, Mead and Company
edition of League of the Iroquois, wrote:
Lloyd continued: "In their ancient League the Iroquois
presented to us a type of Federal Republic under whose
roof and around whose council fire all people might dwell
in peace and freedom. Our nation gathers its people from
many peoples of the Old World, its language and its free
institutions it inherits from England, its civilization and art
from Greece and Rome, its religion from Judea -- and even
these red men of the forest have wrought some of the chief
stones in our national temple."
In
an early history of the relations between Sir William
Johnson and the Iroquois, William E. Griffis in 1891
advised further study of Iroquoian influence on the
formation of the United States, especially Benjamin
Franklin's role in this interaction. At the beginning of the
twentieth century Arthur C. Parker, son of the Ely Parker
who had been close to Morgan, wrote in a preface to his
version of the Iroquois Great Law of Peace:
A
similar point of view was taken in 1918 by J. N. B. Hewitt,
who not only suggested that the Iroquois influenced
the formation of the United States, but that the Iroquois
league also served as something of a prototype for the
League of Nations.
The
Iroquois' Great Law of Peace, wrote Hewitt, "made a
significant departure from the past in separating the conduct
of military and civilian affairs." The confederacy, he continued,
also recognized no state religion: "All forms of it [religion]
were tolerated and practiced." The Iroquois polity separated
the duties of civil chiefs and prophets, or other religious
leaders. Hewitt also noted the elevated position of women
in the Iroquois system of government.
In
1930, Arthur Pound's Johnson of the Mohawks again
introduced the possibility of intellectual communication: "With
the possible exception of the also unwritten British
Constitution deriving from the Magna Charta, the Iroquois
Constitution is the longest-going international constitution
in the world." Pound remarked at the "political sagacity" of
the Iroquois, as well as the checks and balances built into
the Iroquois league, which was structured in such a way
that no action could be taken without the approval of all
five represented Indian nations. It was Pound's belief that
"in this constitution of the Five Nations are found
practically all of the safeguards which have been raised in
historic parliaments to protect home affairs from
centralized authority."
Carl
Van Doren's biography of Benjamin Franklin,
published in 1938, noted Franklin's admiration of the
political system of the league, and suggested that his plans
for a Colonial union, expressed first during the 1750s, owed
some debt to the Iroquois. Franklin, Van Doren wrote, found
no European model that was suitable for the needs of the
colonies that he hoped to unite.
In
1940 Clark Wissler asserted that "students of politics
and government have found much to admire in the league
[of the Iroquois]. There is some historical evidence that
knowledge of the league influenced the colonists in their
first attempts to form a confederacy and later to write a
constitution."[3] Five years later,
Frank G. Speck, finding the Iroquois "a decidedly
democratic people,"[4] quoted Wissler to
support his contention that the Iroquois played a role in
the founding of the United States. Wissler mentioned
advice, given by the Iroquois chief Canassatego at the
Lancaster (Pennsylvania) treaty of 1744, to the effect that
the colonists could benefit by forming a union along
Iroquoian lines.
By
1946, the nations of the world had established a second
international organization and, as in 1918, attention was
turned to the Iroquois in this regard. Paul A. W. Wallace,
who devoted his scholarship to a study of the Iroquois,
used quotations from the Great Law of Peace and the
Preamble to the Constitution of the United Nations to open
and close his book, the White Roots of Peace:
While Wallace's White Roots of Peace was principally
an account of the traditional story of the creation of the
Iroquois league, he also mentioned Franklin's attention to
Iroquois political institutions and the possible role that
this attention played in the founding of the United States.
By
1952, suggestions of Iroquoian contributions to the
evolution of the United States' political structure, as well
as that of international bodies, had been "in the air" of
Euro-American scholarship for more than a century. During
that year, Felix Cohen began to develop the idea in the
American Scholar. Cohen wrote that in their rush to
"Americanize" the Indian, Euro-Americans had forgotten,
or chosen to ignore, that they had themselves been
influenced by Indian thought and action. To Cohen,
American disrespect for established authority had Indian
roots, as did the American penchant for sharing with those
in need. In the Indian character resided a fierce
individuality that rejected subjugation, together with a
communalism that put the welfare of the whole family,
tribe, or nation above that of individuals.
"It
is out of a rich Indian democratic tradition that the
distinctive political ideals of American life emerged,"
Cohen wrote. "Universal suffrage for women as well as for
men, the pattern of states within a state we call federalism,
the habit of treating chiefs as servants of the people instead
of as their masters . . ." Cohen ascribed at least in part to
the "Indian" in our political tradition. To this, Cohen
added: "The insistence that the community must respect the
diversity of men and the diversity of their dreams -- all
these things were part of the American way of life before
Columbus landed." To support his assertion, Cohen offered
an excerpt from a popular account of America that was
circulated in England around 1776: "The darling passion of
the American is liberty and that in its fullest extent; nor
is it the original natives only to whom this passion is
confined; our colonists sent thither seem to have imbibed
the same principles."[5]
"Politically,
there was nothing in the Empires and
kingdoms of Europe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
to parallel the democratic constitution of the Iroquois
Confederacy, with its provisions for initiative, referendum
and recall, and its suffrage for women as well as for men,"
Cohen continued. The influence of such ideas spread to
Europe, where they played a part in Thomas More's Utopia. Cohen
further asserted that "to John Locke, the champion of
tolerance and the right of revolution, the state of nature and
of natural equality to which men might appeal in rebellion
against tyranny was set not in the remote dawn of history,
but beyond the Atlantic sunset." Cohen also found the
influence of Indian thought in Montesquieu, Voltaire, and
Rousseau, "and their various contemporaries." Anticipating
the arguments of Charles Sanford nine years later, Cohen
implied that many of the doctrines that played so crucial a
role in the American Revolution were fashioned by
European savants from observation of the New World and
its inhabitants. These observations, packaged into theories,
were exported, like the finished products made from raw
materials that also traveled the Atlantic Ocean, back to
America. The communication among American Indian
cultures, Europe, and Euro-America thus seemed to involve
a sort of intellectual mercantilism. The product of this
intellectual traffic, the theories that played a role in
rationalizing rebellion against England, may have been
fabricated in Europe, but the raw materials from which
they were made were, to Cohen, substantially of indigenous
American origin.
Cohen,
continuing his synthesis of a hundred years of
suggestions that Indian ideas helped shape America's and
Europe's intellectual traditions, asserted that "the greatest
teachers of American democracy have gone to school with
the Indian." He mentioned Canassatego's advice to the
colonists at the 1744 Lancaster treaty, and asserted that
Benjamin Franklin had integrated this advice into his ideas
favoring Colonial union seven years later. Cohen also
asserted that Thomas Jefferson freely acknowledged his debt
to the conceptions of liberty held by American Indians, and
favorably compared the liberty he saw in Indian politics
with the oppression of Europe in his time.
Following
publication of Cohen's article, suggestions that
American Indian, and especially Iroquoian, thought had
played some role in the genesis of a distinctly American
conception of society and government became more
numerous. In 1953, Ruth Underhill (Red Man's Continent)
wrote that Franklin, Jefferson, John Adams, and George
Washington all were familiar with the Iroquois polity,
which, she said, "was the most integrated and orderly north
of Mexico. Some have even thought that it gave suggestions
to the American Constitution." Underhill also devoted some
attention to the equality of women, and the political powers
reserved for them, in the Iroquois structure. Like Wallace
before her, Underhill also asserted similarity between the
Iroquoian system and the modern United Nations. Both, she
wrote, "dealt only with international concerns of peace
and war."
In
1955, Thomas R. Henry, in an account of the history of
the Iroquois Confederacy, picked up Hewitt's suggestion of
intercultural communication. Hewitt, wrote Henry, had used
Canassatego's 1744 speech and a remembrance of it in a
1775 treaty council to support his assertion that the Six
Nations had played a role in the formation of the United
States. "J. N. B. Hewitt was firmly convinced that the
League of the Iroquois was the intellectual progenitor of
the United States." While acknowledging Hewitt's argument,
Henry wrote that more research in the area needed to be done.
A.
Irving Hallowell in 1957 mentioned the subject of
intellectual origins of the American republic in connection
with the Iroquois, but did not delve into it. "It has been
said that information about the organization and operation
of the League of the Iroquois which Franklin picked up at
various Indian councils suggested to him the pattern for a
United States of America." He also advised more study of
these suggestions.
In
1960, author Edmund Wilson, having traveled to
Iroquois country to research his book, Apologies to the
Iroquois, heard an oral-history account from Standing
Arrow, a Seneca, of the reliance that Franklin had placed
on the Great Law of Peace. He did not pursue the subject
in the book.
In
1961, Charles Sanford's Quest for Paradise again
raised the possibility of intellectual mercantilism. Like
Frederick Jackson Turner, originator of the "Frontier
Hypothesis" who found democracy inexplicably emerging
from among the trees, Sanford stressed the effect of the
New World's geography over its inhabitants, but he still
found a few Indians in the forest that he characterized
as a new Eden:
In
1965, William Brandon wrote that more attention should
be paid to "the effect of the Indian world on the changing
American soul, most easily seen in the influence of the
American Indian on European notions of liberty." Brandon
asserted that the first British inter-Colonial union
of any kind, the New England Confederation of 1643, came
about "not only as a result of the Pequot War but possibly
in some imitation of the many Indian confederacies . . . in
aboriginal North America." The first formal inter-Colonial
conference outside of New England, which took place in Albany
in 1684, "was held at the urging of the Iroquois and to meet
with Iroquois spokesmen," Brandon wrote.[6] He also described
accounts by Peter Martyr, the first historian of the New
World, which enthusiastically told of the Indians' liberty,
the absence of crime and jails, and the greed that
accompanied a societal emphasis on private property. Martyr
and other Europeans of his time wondered whether,
in Brandon's words, the Indians lived "in that golden world
of which the ancients had spoken so much." Out of such
imagery came the myth of the Noble Savage, another
product of the intellectual mercantilism that seemed to
accompany its economic counterpart across the Atlantic
Ocean. Out of such imagery, too, came the assumption that
Indians, at least those Indians still uncorrupted by European
influences, lived in the original state of all societies and
that, by observing them, the new arrivals from Europe
could peer through a living window on their own pasts. To
many who had recently escaped poverty, or fled tyranny in
Europe, this was a vision of the past that must have carried
no small amount of appeal.
During
1967, C. Elmore Reaman's work on the Iroquois' role
in the conflict between the British and French during the
mid-eighteenth century again raised the possibility of
Iroquoian influence on the founding of the United States: "Any
race of people who provided the prototype for the
Constitution of the United States, and whose confederacy
has many of the aspects of the present-day United Nations,
should be given their rightful recognition." Reaman
supported his assertion by quoting from a speech given by
Richard Pilant on Iroquoian studies at McMaster University
April 6, 1960: "Unlike the Mayas and Incas to the south,
the Longhouse People developed a democratic system of
government which can be maintained [to be] a prototype for
the United States and the United Nations. Socially, the Six
Nations met the sociologist's test of higher cultures by
having given a preferred status to women." Reaman added that
the Iroquois league, in his estimation, "was a model social
order in many ways superior to the white man's culture of
the day. . . . Its democratic form of government more nearly
approached perfection than any that has been tried to date. It
is claimed by many that the framers of the United States
of America copied from these Iroquois practices in founding
the government of the United States." This material was
based on Hewitt's work.
Throughout
the next few years, a thread of interest in the
Iroquois' communication of political ideas to the new
United States continued to run through literature in this
area of history. In 68, Allan W. Eckert wrote:
In
1971, Helen A. Howard borrowed part of Wallace's White
Roots of Peace, including the paired quotations from
the Great Law of Peace and the United Nations' Constitution,
to raise the question of Iroquoian intellectual
influence. During the same year, Mary E. Mathur's
Ph. D. dissertation at the University of Wisconsin asserted
that the plan of union that Franklin proposed at the Albany
congress (1754) more closely resembled the Iroquoian model
than the British. Mathur placed major emphasis on an
appearance by Hendrick, an Iroquois statesman, at the
congress. She also asserted, but did not document, reports
that Felix Cohen had read accounts written by British spies
shortly before the Revolutionary War that blamed the
Iroquois and other Indians' notions of liberty for the
colonists' resistance to British rule.
A
European, Elemire Zolla, in 1973 recounted Horatio Hale's
belief, published in The Iroquois Book of Rites, that
democracy sprang mainly from Indian origins. Zolla also
recounted Edmund Wilson's encounter with Standing Arrow
and the Senecas. In 1975, J. E. Chamberlin's The Harrowing
of Eden noted that "it is generally held that the model of
the great Iroquois [Six Nations] Confederacy was a significant
influence on both the Albany plan and the later Articles of
Confederation." In a footnote to that reference, Chamberlin
wrote that the Iroquois had also exerted influence on Karl
Marx and Frederich Engels through Lewis H. Morgan. Engels,
having read Morgan's Ancient Society (1877), wrote
The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, in
Light of the Researchers of Lewis Henry Morgan (1884),
which contained an intricate account of the Iroquoian polity
that most directly examined the league's ability to maintain
social cohesion without an elaborate state apparatus. The
Iroquois, wrote Engels, provided a rare example of a living
society that "knows no state."[7]
Francis
Jennings's finely detailed work, The Invasion of
America: Indians, Colonialism and the Cant of Conquest
(1975), closed a discussion that noted Euro-Americans'
perceptions of Indians' liberty with a sweeping
statement: "What white society owes to Indian society, as
much as to any other source, is the mere fact of its
existence."
Donald
A. Grinde in 1979 collected much of what had been
written about the subject of Iroquoian intellectual
interaction with English-speaking Euro-Americans. While
his The Iroquois and the Founding of the American
Nation was mostly a military and diplomatic account of
the Iroquois' role during the time period around the
American Revolution, it also contained most of the published
evidence in secondary sources on this topic. Grinde
reserved special attention for the interaction of Franklin
and Jefferson with the Iroquois, and urged more study of the
matter: "More needs to be done. Especially if America
continues to view itself as a distinct entity set apart from
many of the values of Western Civilization." Grinde also
stated that such study could help dissolve negative
stereotypes that many Euro-Americans harbor about
American Indians' heritage.
The
negation of stereotypes is important to this
investigation because to study the intellectual contributions
of American Indians to European and American thought,
one must to some degree abolish the polarity of the
"civilized" and the "savage" that much of our history (not
to mention popular entertainment) has drilled into us. We
must approach the subject ready to be surprised, as our
ancestors were surprised when they were new to America. We
must be ready to acknowledge that American Indian societies
were as thoughtfully constructed and historically
significant to our present as the Romans, the Greeks,
and other Old World peoples.
What
follows is only a beginning. The Iroquois were not
the only American Indians to develop notions of federalism,
political liberty, and democracy long before they heard of
the Greeks or the Magna Charta. Benjamin Franklin
was not the only Euro-American to combine his own heritage
with what he found in his new homeland. And the infant
United States was not the only nation whose course has been
profoundly influenced by the ideas of the Indians, the
forgotten cofounders of our heritage.
A Composite Culture
"Americanizing the White Man,"
American Scholar, 1952
Most American history has been written as if history
were a function soley of white culture -- in spite of the
fact that well into the nineteenth century the Indians
were one of the principal determinants of historical
events. Those of us who work in frontier history are
repeatedly nonplussed to discover how little has been
done for us in regard to the one force bearing on our
field that was active everywhere. . . . American
historians have made shockingly little effort to
understand the life, the societies, the cultures, the
thinking and the feeling of the Indians, and
disastrously little effort to understand how all these
affected white men and their societies.[1]
When the Roman legions conquered Greece, Roman
historians wrote with as little imagination as did the
European historians who have written of the white
man's conquest of America. What the Roman
historians did not see was that captive Greece would
take captive conquering Rome and that Greek
science, Greek philosophy and a Greek book, known as
Septaugint, translated into the Latin tongue, would
guide the civilized world and bring the tramp of
pilgrim feet to Rome a thousand years after the last
Roman regiment was destroyed.
Among the Indian nations whose ancient seats were
within the limits of our republic, the Iroquois have long
continued to occupy the most conspicuous position. They
achieved for themselves a more remarkable civil
organization and acquired a higher degree of influence
than any race of Indian lineage, except those of
Mexico and Peru.
Morgan likened the federalism of the Iroquois to that of the
newly united British colonies: "The [six] nations sustained
nearly the same relation to the [Iroquois] league that the American
states bear to the Union. In the former, several oligarchies
were contained within one, in the same manner as in the latter,
several republics are embraced in one republic." Morgan
also noted checks and balances in the Iroquoian
system that acted to prevent concentration of power: "Their
whole civil policy was averse to the concentration of power
in the hands of any single individual, but inclined to the
opposite principle of division among a number of equals." The
Iroquois, according to Morgan, maximized individual freedom
while seeking to minimize excess governmental interference
in peoples' lives: "The government sat lightly upon the people
who, in effect, were governed but little. It secured to each
that individual independence which the Ho-de-no-sau-nee knew
how to prize as well as the Saxon race; and which, amid all
their political changes, they have continued to preserve."
Among all the North American peoples, there is none more
worthy of study, by reason of their intellectual ability,
the character of their institutions and the part they have
played in history, than the Iroquois of the League. And,
as it happens, this is the people which has longest been
known to ourselves, which has been most closely
observed by our writers and statesmen, and whose
influence has been most strongly felt in our political
constitution and in our history as colonies and nation.
Here, then, we find the right of popular nomination, the
right of recall and of woman suffrage flourishing in the
old America of the Red Man and centuries before it
became the clamor of the new America of the white
invader. Who now shall call the Indians and Iroquois
savages?
I am Deganwidah, and with the Five Nations confederate
lords I plant the tree of the Great Peace. . . . Roots
have spread out from the Tree . . . and the name of
these Roots is the Great White Roots of Peace. If
any man or any nation outside the Five Nations shall
show a desire to obey the laws of the Great
Peace . . . they may trace the Roots to their
source . . . and they shall be welcomed to take
shelter beneath the Tree. . . .
The archetypical Adam, living in a state of nature
was thus endowed by his creators, which included
Thomas Jefferson, with inalienable rights to life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness. The revolutionary
doctrines which grew out of discoveries of the New
World were first developed by European savants only
to be borrowed by the American colonists and turned
against Europe.
The whites who were versed in politics at this time
[c. 1750] had every reason to marvel at this form of Indian
government. Knowledge of the league's success, it is
believed, strongly influenced the colonies in their own
initial efforts to form a union and later to write a
Constitution.