I am convinced that those societies [as the Indians] which
live without government enjoy in their general mass an
infinitely greater degree of happiness than those who live
under European governments.
Philadelphia became the intellectual nerve center of
revolution in the mid-1770s. The Continental Congress
convened there. The Declaration of Independence was
drafted there, and first posted there, six weeks before
the news reached the royal court in London at which it
was directed. Philadelphia, the new capital of the new
confederacy -- its "Grand Council fire," as Franklin called
the city in some of his letters -- was becoming the
commercial center of Eastern North America. The city's
stately public buildings gave it an air of a capital beyond
its years. When the Declaration of Independence was first
posted along its streets, the Quaker city was not even a
century old. Barely ninety years after the Penn family's
surveyors had first marked it out of the wilderness,
Philadelphia was surrounded by the mansions of merchants
who had helped make it the busiest port on the Atlantic
Seaboard, as well as the political and intellectual center
of the colonies. The mansions reclined in baronial style
along the rivers that converged at the commercial center,
looking a little like English estates. Beyond these
patches of tamed greenery, Philadelphians looked westward
into the maw of a continent of immense size, which was to
their eyes at once wild, dark, and threatening, as well
as a possible source of riches beyond imagination. Rather
suddenly, the men and women who had peopled a few widely
scattered English colonies and stitched them together were
faced with the task of making a nation, in area larger by
far than any in Western Europe.
Franklin
had always lived in the city's center, and never
moved to the outskirts, even when his finances
allowed. During the debates that welded the colonies into a
nation he remained in the three-story brick house on Market
Street that he had designed with his wife, Deborah, before
the conclusion of the war with France. When the weather was
fair, he could walk to Independence Hall. A year after
skirmishes at Lexington and Concord turned angry words
into armed rebellion, when the delegates to the Continental
Congress decided that a rationale for the revolution needed
to be put on paper, Franklin was the most likely candidate
to write the manifesto. He had just returned from a long
and difficult trip to the Ohio country, and had come down
with gout. His three score and ten years showing on him,
Franklin declined invitations to write the Declaration of
Independence. He did join the drafting committee, and
eventually became Thomas Jefferson's major editor.
At
the age of thirty-three, however, Jefferson was not at
all sure that he was equal to the task of telling the world
why the colonies were breaking with Britain. On June 11,
1776, when he was asked by the Continental Congress to serve
on a committee that would draft the declaration, Jefferson
asked to be excused from the congress so that he could
return to Williamsburg where he planned to help write the
Virginia Constitution. His request for a leave denied,
Jefferson asked John Adams, another member of the drafting
committee, to write the document. Adams refused.
"Why
will you not?" Jefferson asked Adams. "You ought
to do it."
"Reasons
enough," said Adams.
"What
are your reasons?"
"First,"
said Adams, "you are a Virginian, and a Virginian
ought to appear at the head of this business. Second: I
am obnoxious, suspected and unpopular. You are very much
otherwise. Third: You can write ten times better than I
can."
"Well,"
replied Jefferson, "If you are decided, I will do
as well as I can."
Adams
respected Jefferson's "masterly pen." The young man
from Virginia brought with him to the Continental Congress
what Adams called "a reputation for literature, science
and a happy talent for composition. Writings of his "were
remarkable for . . . peculiar felicity of expression," in
Adams's opinion. Like many talented writers, Jefferson
did not like to compose for committees. He called changes
made in his drafts by other delegates to the Continental
Congress "depredations."
While
he didn't always welcome changes in his prose,
Jefferson easily accepted criticism and corrections from
Franklin, who by this time was regarded as an elder
statesman in Europe as well as in America. Franklin
himself had learned, from long experience, the trials
attending composition of "papers to be reviewed by a
public body." Jefferson, who was learning the same,
willingly submitted his drafts to Franklin and Adams.
Between
1775 and 1791, when Franklin died, his political
life overlapped Jefferson's. He venerated the elderly
sage, and expressed his admiration frequently. Following
Franklin at the post of United States ambassador to
France, Jefferson was often asked: "Is it you, Sir,
who replace Dr. Franklin?" Jefferson would reply: "No
one can replace him, Sir, I am just his successor."
"There
appeared to me to be more respect and veneration
attached to the character of Doctor Franklin than to any
other person in the same country, foreign or
native. . . . When he left Passy, it seemed as if the
village had lost its patriarch," Jefferson
recalled. Having admired Franklin so, it was not
surprising that where Franklin laid down an intellectual
thread, Jefferson often picked it up. Jefferson's
writings clearly show that he shared Franklin's respect
for Indian thought. Both men represented the
Enlightenment frame of mind of which the American Indians
seemed a practical example. Both knew firsthand the
Indian way of life. Both shared with the Indian the wild,
rich land out of which the Indian had grown. It was
impossible that that experience should not have become
woven into the debates and philosophical musings that gave
the nation's founding instruments their distinctive
character. In so far as the nation still bears these
marks of its birth, we are all "Indians" -- if not in our
blood, then in the thinking that to this day shapes many
of our political and social assumptions. Jefferson's
declaration expressed many of these ideas:
The newly united colonies had assumed "among the Powers
of the earth, the separate and equal station to which
the Laws of Nature and Nature's God entitle them,"
Jefferson wrote. The declaration was being made, he said,
because "a decent respect for the opinions of mankind
requires that they should declare the causes which impel
them to the separation."
Jefferson
wrote to Edward Carrington January 16,
1787:
Echoing
Franklin's earlier comment, Jefferson looked across
the frontier and found societies where social cohesion was
provided by consensus instead of by the governmental
apparatus used to maintain control in Europe. Among the
Indians, wrote Jefferson, "Public opinion is in the place
of law, and restrains morals as powerfully as laws ever did
anywhere." The contrast to Europe was obvious: "Under
presence of governing, they have divided their nations into
two classes, wolves and sheep. I do not exaggerate. This is
a true picture of Europe." Returning to America, Jefferson
concluded: "Cherish therefore the spirit of our people, and
keep alive their attention." To Jefferson, public opinion
among the Indians was an important reason for their lack
of oppressive government, as well as the egalitarian
distribution of property on which Franklin had earlier
remarked. Jefferson believed that without the people
looking over the shoulder of their leaders, "You and I,
the Congress, judges and governors shall all become
wolves." The "general prey of the rich on the poor" could
be prevented by a vigilant public.
Jefferson's
writings made it evident that he, like Franklin,
saw accumulation of property beyond that needed to satisfy
one's natural requirements as an impediment to liberty. To
place "property" in the same trilogy with life and liberty,
against the backdrop of Jefferson's views regarding the
social nature of property, would have been a contradiction,
Jefferson composed some of his most trenchant rhetoric in
opposition to the erection of a European-like aristocracy on
American soil. To Jefferson, the pursuit of happiness
appears to have involved neither the accumulation of
property beyond basic need, nor the sheer pursuit of
mirth. It meant freedom from tyranny, and from want, things
not much in abundance in the Europe from which many of
Jefferson's countrymen had so recently fled. Jefferson's
writings often characterized Europe as a place from which to
escape -- a corrupt place, where wolves consumed sheep
regularly, and any uncalled for bleating by the sheep was
answered with a firm blow to the head.
Using
the example of the man who left
his estate to return to the simplicity of nature,
carrying only his rifle and matchcoat with him, Franklin
indicated that the accumulation of property brought perils
as well as benefits. Franklin argued that the state's power
should not be used to skew the distribution of wealth,
using Indian society, where "hunting is free for all," as
an exemplar:
"The important ends of Civil Society, and the personal
Securities of Life and Liberty, these remain the same in
every Member of the Society," Franklin continued. He
concluded: "The poorest continues to have an equal Claim
to them with the most opulent, whatever Difference Time,
Chance or Industry may occasion in their Circumstances."
Franklin
used examples from Indian societies rather
explicitly to illustrate his conception of property and
its role in society:
Franklin,
a believer in simplicity and "happy mediocrity,"
thought that an overabundance of possessions inhibited
freedom because social regulation was required to keep track
of what belonged to whom, and to keep greed from developing
into antisocial conflict. He also opposed the use of public
office for private profit. If officials were to serve the
people rather than exploit them, they should not be
compensated for their public service, Franklin stated during
debate on the Constitution. "It may be imagined by some
that this is a Utopian idea, and that we can never find Men
to serve in the Executive Department without paying them
well for their Services. I conceive this to be a mistake,"
Franklin said. On August 10, 1787, also during debate on the
Constitution, Franklin opposed property qualifications for
election to Congress. So fervent was his opposition to the
use of public office for private gain that Franklin wrote in
a codacil to his will, "In a democratical state there ought
to be no offices of profit."
As
well as using Indians as exemplars of their concepts of
property, Franklin and other Colonial leaders usually held a
rather high intellectual regard for the Indians' own property
rights. Without adequate military force, however, they were
unable to check the continuing movement of Euro-Americans
onto land that had not been ceded by the various Indian
nations. In his Administration of the Colonies, a
text widely used for instruction of Colonial officials during
the mid-eighteenth century, Thomas Pownall argued that
neither the Pope, nor any other European sovereign, had a
right to give away Indian land without their consent.
"The
lands [of America] did not belong to the Crown, but to
the Indians, of whom the Colonists either purchased them at
their own Expence, or conquered them without Assistance from
Britain," Franklin wrote in the margin of an anonymous
pamphlet, "The True Constitutional Means for Putting an End
to the Disputes Between London and the American Colonies,"
published in London during 1769. Franklin was replying to
an assertion in the brochure that the colonists occupied
America "by the bounty of the Crown." A year later,
Franklin made a similar point, writing in the margin of
Wheelock's Reflections, Moral and Political, on Great
Britain and Her Colonies: "The British Nation has no
original Property in the Country of America. It was
purchas'd by the first Colonists of the Natives, the only
Owners. The Colonies [are] not created by Britain,
but by the colonists themselves."
By
supporting the Indians' claim of original title, Franklin
and other advocates of independence undercut Britain's claim
to the colonies. A popular argument at the time was that if
Britain had a right to assert a claim to America under
European law because English people settled there, then
Germany had a right to claim England because the Angles and
Saxons, Germanic peoples, colonized the British
territory. To Franklin, the colonies belonged to the
colonists, and what the colonists had not bought from the
Indians (or, in some cases, seized in war) belonged to the
native peoples.[1]
In
Franklin's mind, there appeared to be no contradiction
between orderly expansion of settlement and support of Indian
needs for a homeland and sustenance. Looking westward into
what he believed to be a boundless forest, Franklin assumed
that the Indians would always have land enough to live as
they wished. He thought that the continent was so vast that
Europeans would not settle the breadth of it for a thousand
years. Although both were scientists, technological
innovators and politicians, neither Franklin nor Jefferson
saw the technological changes or the increase in European
immigration that would sweep across the continent in less
than a century.
While
he didn't forsee the speed of expansion, Franklin was
troubled by the greed that he did see emerging in America,
a huge and rich table laden with riches, seemingly for the
taking. "A rich rogue is like a fat hog, who never does
good 'til he's dead as a log," he wrote in Poor Richard
for 1733. In the same edition, he also wrote: "The poor
have little, beggars none; the rich too much, enough, not
one."
Like
Franklin, Jefferson defined property not as a natural
right, but as a civil right, bestowed by society and
removable by it. To Jefferson and Franklin natural rights
were endowed (as the declaration put it) by the Creator,
not by kings or queens or legislators or governors. Civil
rights were decreed or legislated. As Jefferson wrote to
William Short, property is a creature of society:
Societies
that gave undue emphasis to protection of property
could infringe on the peoples' rights of life, liberty, and
happiness. According to Jefferson: "Whenever there is,
in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it
is clear that the laws of property have been so extended as
to violate natural right." At the opposite end of Jefferson's
intellectual spectrum stood the Indian societies of eastern
North America that, in spite of minimal government that
impressed Jefferson, had different laws or customs encouraging
the accumulation of material wealth. Jefferson, although he
retained a vague admiration for this form of "primitive
communism" until late in his life, acknowledged that such a
structure could not be laid atop a European, or a
European-descended, society: "Indian society may be best,
but it is not possible for large numbers of people."
While
some aspects of Indian society were admirable but
impractical, Jefferson found many aspects of European
cultures deplorable but likely to be emulated in America if
the people and their leaders did not take care to resist
them. Jefferson acknowledged late in his life that "a right
of property is founded in our natural wants," but he
remained, to his death, adamantly opposed to concentration
of wealth. The European aristocracy, based as it was on
inherited wealth, was called "artificial" by
Jefferson. "Provisions . . . to prevent its ascendancy
should be taken in America," he wrote. Jefferson was not
opposed to what he called "natural aristocracy," based on
merit rather than inherited wealth; but against the
artificial aristocracy he could sharpen his pen in a
manner reserved for few other subjects: "Do not be
frightened into their surrender by the alarms of the timid,
or the croakings of wealth against the ascendancy of the
people," Jefferson wrote to Samuel Kercheval July 12,
1812. One turn of Jefferson's pen characterized European
society as one of riders and horses, another as wolves and
sheep, still another as hammer and anvil. There was to be
more to Jefferson's American amalgam than a pale imitation
of Europe.
From
Paris during 1785, Jefferson wrote: "You are perhaps
curious to know how this new scene has struck a savage
from the mountains of America."[2] The words
recalled characterizations of Franklin by Europeans as the
philosopher as savage. Both men, confronting the world
from which their ancestors had come, fully realized how
much America and its native inhabitants had changed
them. Jefferson's reception of the Old World was not warm:
Europe had a few compensations, such as a lack of public
drunkenness, and fine architecture, painting, and music,
wrote Jefferson. All this, however, did not reduce class
differences, nor spread the happiness of which Jefferson
was so enamored.
As
he had removed references to property from his critique
of a French bill of rights, Jefferson offered other
suggestions for reducing the disparity between classes that
he saw there. One such suggestion was a very steep
schedule of progressive taxation.
Back
in America, the revolution had helped to absolve the
new country of what emerging aristocracy it had. Many of
them moved to Canada. About a year after he wrote the
Declaration of Independence, Jefferson wrote to Franklin:
America,
fusing the native peoples' state of nature and
Europe's monarchial state into a unique, agrarian
civilization, evolved its own institutions, and its own
interests, distinct from either the Indian or the
European. Late in his life, Jefferson wrote to President
James Monroe that "America, North and South, has a set
of interests distinct from those of Europe, and
peculiarly her own."
Statements
of Jefferson's such as that in his letter to
Monroe and others like it were much later to be called into
service by expansionists eager to justify their hunger for
land and the lengths to which it drove them. In Jefferson's
lifetime, however, they expressed the perceptions of a developing
national identity vis-à-vis Europe. European
scholarship, according to Jefferson, had produced no books
that could be used as comprehensive guides to the kind of
civil government he sought to erect in America: "There
does not exist a good elementary work on the organization
of society into civil government; I mean a work which
presents one good and comprehensive view of the system
of principles on which such an organization should be
founded, according to the rights of nature." The same idea
had been expressed in slightly different words many years
earlier by Franklin.
Most
of all, Jefferson loathed monarchy, the state that
laid heavily across the backs of the people. As late as
1800, a quarter century after he wrote the Declaration of
Independence, Jefferson was given to such statements
as: "We have wonderful rumors here. One that the king of
England is dead!" Comparing the oppression of the monarchial
states he found in Europe with the way American Indians
maintained social cohesion in their societies, Jefferson
wrote in Notes on the State of Virginia: "Insomuch
as it were made a question of whether no law, as among the
savage Americans, or too much law, as among the civilized
Europeans, submits man to the greater evil, one who has seen
both conditions of existence would pronounce it to be the
last; and that the sheep are happier of themselves, than
under the care of the wolves."
Jefferson
described the role of public opinion in
American Indian society in Notes on Virginia. His
description was remarkably similar to Franklin's. The
native Americans, Jefferson wrote, had not
"Imperfect as this species of coercion may seem, crimes are
very rare among them," Jefferson continued. Recapitulating
Colden's remarks, as well as Franklin's, Jefferson
developed his thought: "The principles of their society
forbidding all compulsion, they are led by duty and to
enterprise by personal influence and persuasion." Sharing
with other founders of America the Enlightenment assumption
that Indian societies (at least those as yet uncorrupted by
Europeans) approximated a state of nature, Jefferson
questioned the theory advanced by supporters of monarchy
that government originated in a patriarchial, monarchial
form. Having studied Indian societies, such as the
Iroquois, which were matrilineal and democratic, Jefferson
speculated that:
Public
opinion, freedom of action and expression, and
the consent of the governed played an important role in
Jefferson's perception of Indian societies. The guideline
that Jefferson drew from the Indian example (and which he
earnestly promoted in the First Amendment) allowed
freedom until it violated another's rights: "Every man, with
them, is perfectly free to follow his own inclinations. But
if, in doing this, he violates the rights of another, if the
case be slight, he is punished by the disesteem of society
or, as we say, public opinion; if serious, he is tomahawked
as a serious enemy." Indian leaders relied on public opinion
to maintain their authority: "Their leaders influence them
by their character alone; they follow, or not, as they
please him whose character for wisdom or war they have the
highest opinion."
While
public opinion was useful in keeping elected leaders
from assuming the role of wolves over sheep, public opinion
also was recognized by Jefferson as a safety valve. To
repress it would invite armed revolution by a public
alienated from its leaders. Jefferson could hardly deny a
public insistent on overthrowing its leaders. Their right
to do so was expressed in his Declaration of
Independence. Writing to W. S. Smith November 17, 1787,
Jefferson refuted assertions of some Europeans that America
was suffering from anarchy:
Displaying a rationality that had yet to be tested by tyrants'
manipulation of public opinion, Jefferson wrote in 1801; "It
is rare that the public sentiment decides immorally or
unwisely and the individual who disagrees with it ought to
examine well his own opinion." At least until he became
President, and found the wrath of opinion directed at him
from time to time, Jefferson expressed almost a naive faith
in the wisdom of public opinion. Jefferson believed that
states should be small in size to allow public opinion to
function most efficiently. Leaders ought to be subject to
impeachment; the entire governmental system could be
impeached by force of arms if the people thought fit to do
so. Public opinion could be called upon, in the Indians'
fashion, to raise an army.
Like
that of the Iroquois, Jefferson's concept of popular
consent allowed for impeachment of officials who offended
the principles of law; also similar to the Indian conception,
Jefferson spoke and wrote frequently that the least
government was the best. Jefferson objected when
boundaries for new states were drawn so as to make them
several times larger than some of the original colonies:
Jefferson's writings indicate that he did not expect, nor
encourage, Americans to be tractable people. Least of all
did he expect them to submit to involuntary conscription for
unjustified wars. Freedom from such was the natural order of
things. Franklin showed a similar inclination in Poor
Richard for 1734: "If you ride a horse, sit close and
tight. If you ride a man, sit easy and light."
Franklin,
Jefferson, and others in their time who combined
politics and natural history intensively studied the
history and prehistory of northwestern Europe as it had
been before the coming of the Romans. Like the Celts and
other tribal people of Germany and the British Isles who
had lived, according to Jefferson, in societies that
functioned much like the Indian polities he had observed in
his own time: "The Anglo-Saxons had lived under customs
and unwritten laws based upon the natural rights of
man. . . ." The monarchy was imposed on top of this
natural order, Jefferson argued. In so doing, according
to Chinard, Jefferson "went much farther than any of the
English political thinkers in his revindication of Saxon
liberties." To Charles Sanford (The Quest for
Paradise, 1961), America and its inhabitants
represented to many Europeans a recapitulation of the
Garden of Eden; to Henry Steele Commager, the
Enlightenment mind assumed that "only man in a state of
nature was happy. Man before the Fall." To English
whigs, as well as to Franklin and Jefferson, government
by the people was the wave of the past, as well as the
future. Augmented by observation of Indian peoples who
lived with a greater degree of happiness than peoples in
Europe, this belief gave powerful force to the argument
that the American Revolution was reclaiming rights that
Americans, Englishmen, and all other peoples enjoyed by
fiat of nature, as displayed by their ancestory --
American Indian and European.
English
radicals and American patriots traded these ideas
freely across the Atlantic during the revolutionary
years. One example of this intellectual trade was Tom
Paine, who came to America at Franklin's invitation and
within three years of his arrival was sitting around a
council fire with the Iroquois, learning to speak their
language and enjoying himself very much. Paine attended a
treaty council at Easton during 1777, in order to
negotiate the Iroquois' alliance, or at least neutrality,
in the Revolutionary War. According to Samuel Edwards, a
biographer of Paine, he was "fascinated by them." Paine
quickly learned enough of the Iroquois' language so that
he no longer needed to speak through an interpreter.
Poverty, wrote Paine 1795, "is a thing created by what is
called civilization." "Civilization, or that which is so
called, has operated in two ways: to make one part of
society more affluent, and the other more wretched, than
would ever have been the lot of either in a natural state,"
Paine concluded. Despite the appeal of a society without
poverty, Paine believed it impossible "to go from the
civilized to the natural state."
Wars
are not won soley by eloquence and argument,
however. Once he had recovered from the gout, Franklin
recalled his talents at organizing militias and threw
himself into the practical side of organizing an armed
struggle for independence. He marshaled brigades that
went house to house with appeals for pots, pans, and
curtain weights, among other things, which would be
melted down to provide the revolutionary army with
ammunition. The colonists set to work raising a
volunteer army in the Indian manner (much as Franklin had
organized his Philadelphia militia almost three decades
earlier), using Indian battle tactics so well suited to
the forests of eastern North America. George Washington
had studied guerrilla warfare during the war with France,
and when the British sent soldiers over the ocean ready
for set-piece wars on flat pastures manicured like
billiard tables, their commanders wailed that
Washington's army was just not being fair -- shooting
from behind trees, dispersing and returning to civilian
occupations when opportunity or need called. A British
Army report to the House of Commons exclaimed, in
exasperation, "The Americans won't stand and fight!"
Having
failed to adapt to a new style of war in a new
land, the British never exactly lost the war, but like
another world power that sent its armies across an ocean
two centuries later, they decided they could not win a
war without fronts, without distinction between soldiers
and civilians. America would have its independence.
Meeting
in Paris to settle accounts during 1783, the
diplomats who redrew the maps sliced the Iroquois
Confederacy in half, throwing a piece to the United States,
and another to British Canada. The heirs to some of the
Great Law of Peace's most precious principles ignored the
Iroquois' protestations that they, too, were sovereign
nations, deserving independence and self-determination. A
century of learning was coming to a close. A century and
more of forgetting -- of calling history into service to
rationalize conquest -- was beginning.
Self-Evident Truths
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men
are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights, that among these are
Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness. That, to
secure these rights, Governments are instituted among
Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed. That, when any form of government becomes
destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People
to alter or abolish it.
The way to prevent these irregular interpositions of
the people is to give them full information of their
affairs thro' the public papers, and to contrive that
those papers should penetrate the whole mass of the
people. The basis of our government being the opinion
of the people, our very first object should be to keep
that right; and were it left to me to decide whether
we should have a government without newspapers or
newspapers without a government, I should not
hesitate a moment to prefer the latter. . . . I am
convinced that those societies [as the Indians] which
live without government enjoy in their general mass
an infinitely greater degree of happiness than those
who live under European governments.
Private property . . . is a Creature of Society, and is
subject to the Calls of that Society, whenever its
Necessities shall require it, even to its last Farthing,
its contributors therefore to the public Exingencies are
not to be considered a Benefit on the Public, entitling
the Contributors to the Distinctions of Honor and Power,
but as the Return of an Obligation previously received,
or as payment for a just Debt.
All property, indeed, except the savage's temporary cabin,
his bow, his matchcoat and other little Acquisitions
absolutely necessary for his Subsistence, seems to me to
be the creature of public Convention. Hence, the public
has the rights of regulating Descents, and all other
Conveyances of Property, and even of limiting the quantity
and uses of it. All the property that is necessary to a
man is his natural Right, which none may justly deprive
him of, but all Property superfluous to such Purposes is
the property of the Public who, by their Laws have created
it and who may, by other Laws dispose of it.
While it is a moot question whether the origin of any kind
of property is derived from Nature at all . . . it is
considered by those who have seriously considered the
subject, that no one has, of natural right, a separate
property in an acre of land . . . [which] . . . is the
property for the moment of him who occupies it, but when he
relinquishes that occupation, the property goes with
it. Stable ownership is the gift of social law, and is
given late in the progress of society.
I find the general state of humanity here most
deplorable. The truth of Voltaire's observation, offers
itself perpetually, that every man here must be either
the hammer or the anvil. It is a true picture of that
country to which they say we shall pass hereafter, and
where we are to see God and his angels in splendor, and
crowds of the damned trampled under their feet. While
the great mass of the people are thus suffering under
physical and moral oppression . . . compare it with
that degree of happiness which is enjoyed in America,
by every class of people.
The people seem to have laid aside the monarchial, and
taken up the republican government, with as much ease as
would have attended their throwing off of an old, and
putting on a new suit of clothes. Not a single throe has
attended this important transformation. A half-dozen
aristocratical gentlemen, agonizing under the loss of
preeminence, have sometimes ventured their sarcasms on
our political metamorphosis. They have been thought
fitter objects of pity, than of punishment.
Submitted themselves to any laws, any coercive power and
shadow of government. The only controls are their
manners, and the moral sense of right and
wrong. . . . An offence against these is punished by
contempt, by exclusion from society, or, where the cause
is serious, as that of murder, by the individuals whom
it concerns.
There is an error into which most of the speculators on
government have fallen, and which the well-known state of
society of our Indians ought, before now, to have
corrected. In their hypothesis of the origin of government,
they suppose it to have commenced in the patriarchial or
monarchial form. Our Indians are evidently in that state
of nature which has passed the association of a single
family, and not yet submitted to authority of positive laws,
or any acknowledged magistrate.
What country can preserve its liberties if their rulers
are not warned from time to time that their people preserve
the spirit of resistance? Let them take arms. The remedy
is to set them right as to facts, pardon and pacify
them. . . . The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time
to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants.
This is reversing the natural order of things. A tractable
people may be governed in large bodies but, in
proportion as they depart from this character, the
extent of their government must be less. We see into
what small divisions the Indians are obliged to reduce
their societies.
To understand what the state of society ought to be, it
is necessary to have some idea of the natural and
primitive state of man; such as it is at this day among
the Indians of North America. There is not, in that
state, any of those spectacles of human misery which
poverty and want present to our eyes in all the towns
and streets of Europe.