The Five Nations have such absolute Notions of Liberty that
they allow no kind of Superiority of one over another, and
banish all Servitude from their Territories.
By the mid-eighteenth century, when alliance with the Six
Nations became an article of policy with the British Crown,
English colonists had been living in North America for
little more than a century. The colonies comprised a thin
ribbon of settlement from a few miles north of Boston to a
few miles south of Charleston. Barely a million people
all told, the British colonists looked westward across
mountains that seemed uncompromisingly rugged to English
eyes, into the maw of a continent that they already knew
was many times the size of their ancestral homeland. How
much larger, no one at that time really knew. No one
knew exactly how wide the forests might be, how far the
rivers might reach, or what lay beyond them. There was a
widespread belief that the Pacific Ocean lay out there,
somewhere. The map makers settled for blank spaces and
guesses.
Across
the mountains were the homelands of Indian
confederacies -- the Iroquois to the northwest, the
Cherokees to the Southwest, and others -- which outnumbered
the colonists and whose warriors had proved themselves
tactically, if not technologically, equal to the British
army on American ground. And there were the French,
sliding southward along the spine of the mountains,
establishing forts as close as Pittsburgh, their soldiers
and trappers building the bases of empire along the
rivers that laced the inland forests.
The
British decision to seek the Iroquois' favor set in
motion historical events that were to make North America
a predominantly English-speaking continent. These events
also, paradoxically, provided an opportunity for learning,
observation, and reflection which in its turn gave the
nation-to-be a character distinct from England and the
rest of Europe, and which thus helped make the American
Revolution possible.
The
diplomatic approach to the Iroquois came at a time
when the transplanted Europeans were first beginning to
sense that they were something other than Europeans, or
British subjects. Several generations had been born in the
new land. The English were becoming, by stages, "Americans"
-- a word that had been reserved for Indians. From the
days when the Puritans came to build their city on a hill
there had been some feeling of distinction, but for a
century most of the colonists had been escapees from Europe,
or temporary residents hoping to extract a fortune from
the new land and return, rich gentlemen all, to the
homeland. After a century of settlement, however, that was
changing.
From
the days of Squanto's welcome and the first turkey
dinner, the Indians had been contributing to what was
becoming a new amalgam of cultures. In ways so subtle
that they were often ignored, the Indians left their imprint
on the colonists' eating habits, the paths they followed,
the way they clothed themselves, and the way they
thought. The Indians knew how to live in America, and the
colonists, from the first settlers onward, had to learn.
When
the British decided to send some of the colonies'
most influential citizens to seek alliance with the Iroquois,
the treaty councils that resulted provided more than an
opportunity for diplomacy. They enabled the leading citizens
of both cultures to meet and mingle on common and congenial
ground, and thus to learn from each other. The pervasiveness
and influence of these contacts has largely been lost in a
history that, much like journalism, telescopes time into a
series of conflicts -- conquistadorial signposts on the way west.
Lost
in this telescoping of history has been the intense
fascination that the unfolding panorama of novelty that was
America held for the new Americans -- a fascination that
was shipped eastward across the Atlantic to Spain, France,
Britain, and Germany in hundreds of travel narratives,
treaty accounts, and scientific treatises, in a stream
that began with Columbus's accounts of the new world's
wonders and persisted well into the nineteenth century.
The
observations and reports that flooded booksellers of
the time were often entirely speculative. Travel was very
difficult, and what explorers could not reach, they often
imagined. "A traveler'" wrote Benjamin Franklin in Poor
Richard for 1737, "should have a hog's nose, a deer's legs
and an ass's back" -- testimony to the rugged nature and
agonizingly slow pace of overland travel by stage or horse
at a time when roads were virtually nonexistent outside of
thickly settled areas, and when motorized transport was
unknown. If crossing the ocean was an exercise in hardship,
crossing the boundless continent was even more difficult. For
the few people who did it (or tried) and who could read
and write, there was a market: the boundaries of popular
curiosity were as limitless as the continent seemed to
be. That curiosity was matched by an equal array of ornate
speculations on what lay beyond the next bend in this river
or that, or beyond the crest of such and such a
mountain. What new peoples were to be found? What new and
exotic plants and animals? Were there cities of
gold? Mountains two miles high? Giants and
Lilliputians? The speculations assumed a degree of
vividness not unlike twentieth-century musings over the
character of possible life on the planets.
The
first systematic English-language account of the Iroquois'
social and political system was published in 1727, and
augmented in 1747, by Cadwallader Colden, who, in the words
of Robert Waite, was regarded as "the best-informed man in the
New World on the affairs of the British-American
colonies." A son of Reverend Alexander Colden, a Scottish
minister, Colden was born February 17, 1688, in Ireland. He
arrived in America at age twenty-two, five years after he was
graduated from the University of Edinburgh. Shortly after his
arrival in America, Colden began more than a half century of
service in various offices of New York Colonial
government. His official career culminated in 1761 with an
appointment as lieutenant governor of the colony. In
addition to political duties, Colden carried on extensive
research in natural science. He also became close to the
Iroquois, and was adopted by the Mohawks.
In
a preface to his History of the Five Indian Nations
Depending on the Province of New York in America, Colden
wrote that his account was the first of its kind in English:
Colden found the Iroquois to be "barbarians" because of
their reputed tortures of captives, but he also saw a "bright
and noble genius" in these Indians' "love of their country,"
which he compared to that of "the greatest Roman
Hero's." "When Life and Liberty came in competition,
indeed, I think our Indians have outdone the Romans in this
particular. . . . The Five Nations consisted of men whose
Courage and Resolution could not be shaken." Colden was
skeptical that contact with Euro-Americans could improve
the Iroquois: "Alas! we have reason to be ashamed that these
Infidels, by our Conversation and Neighborhood, have become
worse than they were before they knew us. Instead of
Vertues, we have only taught them Vices, that they were
entirely free of before that time. The narrow Views of
private interest have occasioned this."
Despite
his condemnation of their reputed cruelty toward
some of their captives, Colden wrote that Euro-Americans
were imitating some of the Iroquois' battle tactics, which
he described as the art of "managing small parties." The
eastern part of the continent, the only portion of North
America that the colonists of the time knew, was, in
Colden's words, "one continued Forrest," which lent
advantage to Iroquoian warfare methods. Such methods
would later be put to work against British soldiers in the
American Revolution.
Colden
also justified his study within the context of
natural science: "We are fond of searching into remote
Antiquity to know the manners of our earliest
progenitors; if I be not mistaken, the Indians are living
images of them." The belief that American Indian cultures
provided a living window on the prehistory of Europe was
not Colden's alone. This assumption fueled curiosity about
American Indian peoples on both sides of the Atlantic Ocean
throughout the eighteenth century. Colden's was one of the
first widely circulated observations of this sort, which
compared Indians, especially the Iroquois, to the Romans
and the Greeks, as well as other peoples such as the Celts
and the Druids. Looking through this window on the past,
it was believed that observation of Indian cultures could
teach Europeans and Euro-Americans about the original form
of their ancestors' societies -- those close to a state of
nature that so intrigued the thought of the
eighteenth-century Enlightenment, Colden, elaborating,
wrote:
The
original form of government, Colden believed, was
similar to the Iroquois' system, which he described in some
detail. This federal union, which Colden said "has
continued so long that the Christians know nothing of the
original of it," used public opinion extensively:
The
Iroquois' military leaders, like the civilian sachems,
"obtain their authority . . . by the General Opinion of
their Courage and Conduct, and lose it by a Failure in those
Vertues," Colden wrote. He also observed that Iroquois
leaders were generally regarded as servants of their people,
unlike European kings, queens, and other members of a
distinct hierarchy. It was customary, Colden observed, for
Iroquois sachems to abstain from material things while
serving their people, in so far as was possible:
Colden
used the words of Monsieur de la Poterie, a
French historian, to summarize his sentiments about the
Iroquois' system of society and government:
Like
Colden, French writers sometimes compared the
Iroquois to the Romans. Three years before Colden
published his History of the Five Indian Nations
Depending on the Province of New York in America in its
1727 edition, a line drawing from a book by the Frenchman
Joseph Francois Lafitau purported to illustrate an Iroquois
council meeting. As was rather apparent from the drawing,
the artist had never seen a meeting. In the drawing, a
chief was shown standing, holding a wampum belt. He and
other Iroquois sitting around him in a semicircle wore white,
toga-like garments and sandals. Their hair was relatively
short and curly, in the Roman fashion. The chiefs were shown
sitting against a background that did not look at all like
the American woodland, but more like the rolling, almost
treeless Roman countryside. Accounts of Indian (especially
Iroquoian) life and society, especially those by Colden,
enjoyed a lively sale on both sides of the Atlantic.
Other
eighteenth-century writers compared the Iroquois to
counterparts of Old Testament life; James Adair's History
of the American Indians (1775) "prefers simple
Hebraic-savage honesty to complex British civilized
corruption." Indians, wrote Adair, were governed by the
"plain and honest law of nature . . . ":
Iroquoian notions of personal liberty also drew
exclamations from Colden, who wrote:
The
Great Law provided for adoption of those prisoners
willing to accept its provisions. For those who did not,
there awaited the possible death by torture that Colden
had deplored.
Wynn
R. Reynolds in 1957 examined 258 speeches by
Iroquois at treaty councils between 1678 and 1776 and
found that the speakers resembled the ancient Greeks in
their primary emphasis on ethical proof. Reynolds
suggested that the rich oratorical tradition may have been
further strengthened by the exposure of children at an early
age to a life in which oratory was prized and often heard.
More
than curiosity about an exotic culture that was believed
to be a window on a lost European past, drew Euro-Americans
to the Iroquois. There were more immediate and practical
concerns, such as the Iroquois' commanding military strength,
their role in the fur trade, their diplomatic influence
among other Indians and the Six Nations' geographical
position astride the only relatively level pass between the
mountains that otherwise separated British and French
settlement in North America. During the eighteenth century,
English Colonial settlement was moving inland, along the
river valleys. Only a few hundred miles west of what was
then the frontier outpost of Albany, the French were
building forts north and west of the Great Lakes. The
French, constantly at war with England during this period,
were also penetrating the Mississippi Valley. Between the
English and the French stood the Iroquois and their allies,
on land that stretched, northeast to southwest, along nearly
the entire frontier of the British colonies. Before 1763,
when the French were expelled from North America by the
British and their Iroquois allies, the Six Nations enjoyed
considerable diplomatic leverage, which was exploited
with skill. The Iroquois' geographical position was important
at a time when communication was limited to the speed of
transportation, and the speed of transportation on land was
limited to that of a man or woman on horseback. The Iroquois
controlled the most logical transportation route between the
coast and the interior, a route through which the Erie Canal
was built in the early nineteenth century. Although the pass
controlled by the Iroquois was relatively level compared to
the land around it, the area was still thickly wooded. It
was part of a wilderness that seemed so vast to the
Euro-Americans that many of them assumed that Indians would
always have a place in which to hunt, no matter how much of
Europe's excess population crossed the Atlantic.
The
rivalry between the British and French was on Colden's
mind as he wrote the introduction to the 1747 edition of his
History of the Five Indian Nations:
The
Iroquois had not only the best route for trade and
other transport, but also plenty of beaver. Colden
recognized that to whom went the beaver might go the
victory in any future war between France and Britain in
North America. The mid-eighteenth century was a time
when two nations could not join in battle unless they
occupied neighboring real estate. The Iroquois' position
indicated to Colden that their friendship, as well as
business relations, must be procured if the English
were to gain an advantage over the French:
The
New York legislature soon recognized this reasoning,
and acted to channel trade from the French to the English,
Colden wrote. Such steps were not uncommon in the
economic cold war between England and France during the
middle of the century. The drawing up of sides that
Colden advised was but another small step along the road
to the final conflict in North America between these
two European Colonial powers. As with the building of
empires before and since the eighteenth century, trade and
the flag often traveled in tandem, and economic conflict
preceded overt military warfare. Robert Newbold (The
Albany Congress and Plan of Union, 1955) assigned the
competition for diminishing stocks of beaver a central role
in the conflict between the British and French empires in
North America during this period.
To
Colden, trade with the Six Nations also presented an
opportunity to mix and mingle with the Indians, and to
convert them to the British Colonial interest:
As
Colden had noted in his essay, the British were
assembling a wide-ranging program of trade and diplomatic
activity to insure that in any future war the Iroquois'
powerful confederacy would side with them. Although,
when the continent and its history are taken as a whole,
the French were better at mixing with Indians and securing
their alliance, at this particular time and in this place
the English had the upper hand. This was accomplished
through a series of adroit diplomatic moves, many of which
were performed with the help of a group of men who,
although English in background, were at home with the
Iroquois as well.
The
importance of the British alliance with the Iroquois
was enhanced not only by the Six Nations' strategic
position and military strength, but also by the Iroquois'
diplomatic influence with many of the Indian nations of
eastern North America. English and American writers
remarked at the Iroquois' diplomatic and military power as
early as 1687, when Governor Dongan of New York wrote
that the Iroquois "go as far as the South Sea, the North West
Passage and Florida to warr." The Iroquois did more than
wage war; they were renowned in peacetime as traders, and
as orators who traveled the paths that linked Indian nations
together across most of eastern North America. When the
English colonists had business with Indians in Ohio, and
other parts of the Mississippi Valley, they often consulted
the Iroquois. Clark Wissler classified many of the Indian
nations situated around the Six Nations, including the
Cherokees to the south, as members of the "Iroquois
Family." The Iroquois' language was the language of
diplomacy among Indians along much of the English Colonial
frontier. These nations often contributed to, and borrowed
from, practices of others. There is evidence that the
Iroquoian form of government was imitated by other Indian
nations.
One
way that the English acted to maintain their alliance
with the Iroquois, noted previously, was trade. The giving
of gifts, an Indian custom, was soon turned by the English
to their own ends. Gift giving was used by the English to
introduce to Indians, and to invite their dependence on,
the produce of England's embryonic industrial
revolution. The English found it rather easy to outdo the
French, whose industries were more rudimentary at the time,
in gift giving. The Iroquois -- premier military,
political, and diplomatic figures on the frontier -- were
showered with gifts.
By
1744, the English effort was bearing fruit. At a treaty
council during that year, Canassatego, the Iroquois chief,
told Colonial commissioners from Pennsylvania, Maryland,
and Virginia:
During
the 1744 treaty conference, the British
commissioners traded with the Iroquois goods they held to
be worth 220 pounds sterling and 15 shillings, including
200 shirts, four duffle blankets, forty-seven guns, one
pound of vermillion, 1000 flints, four dozen Jews Harps, 202
bars of lead, two quarters shot, and two half-barrels of gun
powder. The preponderance of military items indicated the
strength of the alliance, and the expectation of hostilities
with the French, against whom Canassatego had pledged
the Iroquois' aid.
Although
some of the older chiefs complained that the
Indians ought to make do with their traditional clothes,
foods, and weapons, the British gifts and trade items
apparently were eagerly accepted. The accommodating
English even established a separate gift-presentation
ceremony for the chiefs, who were forbidden by the Great
Law to take their share from the officially presented
gifts until other tribal members had picked them over.
The
English were not giving because they were
altruistic; by showering the Iroquois with gifts, the English
not only helped secure their alliance, but also made the
Indians dependent on some of England's manufactures, thus
creating new markets for the Crown. If, for example, the
Iroquois took up European arms and laid down their
traditional weapons, they also became dependent on a
continuing supply of powder and lead. According to Jacobs,
the British skillfully interwove the political and military
objectives of imperialism with the economic objectives of
mercantilism.
Much
of the gift giving took place at treaty
councils. Historically these meetings were some of the most
important encounters of the century. By cementing an
alliance with the Iroquois, the British were determining the
course of the last in a series of Colonial wars with France
in North America. The councils were conducted with
solemnity befitting the occasion, a style that shows through
their proceedings, which were published and widely read in
the colonies and in Europe.
In
the mid-eighteenth century, the only way to carry on
serious diplomatic business was face to face. There were,
of course, no telephones, no telegraph, and no shuttle
diplomacy. Where it existed at all, mail service was slow,
expensive, and often unreliable. It often took a letter as
long to get from Boston to Charleston as from either city to
London -- at least a month, more likely six weeks,
depending on the weather and other unpredictable
circumstances.
On
the English Colonial side of the table (or the council
fire) sat such notables as Benjamin Franklin, his son
William, William Johnson, Conrad Weiser, and Colden. The
Iroquois' most eloquent sachems often spoke for the Six
Nations, men such as Canassatego, Hendrick, and
Shickallemy. These, and other lesser-known chiefs, were
impressive speakers and adroit negotiators.
Canassatego
was praised for his dignity and forcefulness
of speech and his uncanny understanding of the whites. At
the 1744 treaty council, Canassatego reportedly carried off
"all honors in oratory, logical argument, and adroit
negotiation," according to Witham Marshe, who observed
the treaty council. Marshe wrote afterward that "Ye Indians
seem superior to ye commissioners in point of sense and
argument." His words were meant for Canassatego. An
unusually tall man in the days when the average height was
only slightly over five feet, Canassatego was well muscled,
especially in the legs and chest, and athletic well past his
fiftieth year. His size and booming voice, aided by a
commanding presence gave him what later writers would
call charisma -- conversation stopped when he walked into
a room. Outgoing to the point of radiance, Canassatego, by
his own admission, drank too much of the white man's rum,
and when inebriated was known for being unflatteringly
direct in front of people he disliked. Because of his
oratory, which was noted for both dignity and power,
Canassatego was the elected speaker of the Grand Council
at Onondaga during these crucial years.
Shickallemy
was known among his own people as
Swatane. As the Onondaga council's main liaison with the
Shawnees, Conestogas, and Delawares, he was frequently
in contact with the governments of Pennsylvania and New
York, whose agents learned early that if they had business
with these allied nations, they had business with
Shickallemy, who handled their "European Affairs." Unlike
many of the Iroquois chiefs, he was not a great orator. He
was known for being a gentleman and a statesman --
sensitive enough to deal with the Iroquois Indian allies,
but also firm enough to deal with the whites beyond the
frontier. In 1731, Governor Gordon of Pennsylvania gave to
Shickallemy one of the first British Colonial messages '
seeking alliance against the French. In the swath of
wooded hills that lay between the colonies and the
governing seat of the Iroquois league, it was Shickallemy's
sign -- that of the turtle, his clan -- that guaranteed safe
passage to all travelers, British and Indian. In the
Iroquoian language his name meant "the enlightener," and
when he died in 1749, one year before Canassatego's death,
word went out all through the country, on both sides of the
frontier, that a lamp had gone out.
Shickallemy's
life illustrated just how permeable the
frontier could be during the eighteenth century. Born a
Frenchman, he was taken prisoner at an early age by the
Iroquois. He was later adopted by them and eventually
elevated to membership in the Grand Council of the
Confederacy as a pine-tree chief. Shickallemy, as an
Iroquois chief, cultivated the friendship of the British
colonists, and tried to pass this affection to his children,
the youngest son of whom was Logan, who turned against the
Euro-Americans only after most of his family was murdered
by land squatters in 1774. Logan's speech after the murders
was published by Jefferson in Notes on the State of
Virginia and passed on, from there, to millions of
nineteenth-century school children through McGuffy's
Readers.
Hendrick's
Iroquois name was Tiyanoga. Like Canassatego,
he was described as one who could combine traditional
Iroquoian dignity with forcefulness and brutal frankness
when occasion called. The principal chief of the Mohawks,
his warriors guarded the "eastern door" of the Iroquois
longhouse, through which most diplomats and traders
passed. Hendrick, like Canassatego, was described as an
eloquent speaker. "No one equalled his force and
eloquence," wrote Milton W. Hamilton. Hendrick, like
some of the other chiefs, was fluent in English, but rarely
spoke the language at treaty councils or in other contact
with Euro-Americans. He apparently enjoyed eavesdropping
on colonists' comments about the ignorant Indians who
surely, they thought, couldn't understand what they were
saying. Hendrick was a close friend of Sir William
Johnson; it was this relationship, more than any other
individual bond, which kept the Iroquois allied with the
English until the French were expelled from the continent
in 1763.
If
it is surprising to find on the Indian side of the table
sachems bearing names usually associated with European
nobles, it may be just as surprising to find on the English
side men who had absorbed so much of Indian life that they
were at home on both sides of the frontier. During the
period when the English and Iroquois were allied, these
men -- English and Iroquois -- mixed and mingled freely,
sitting in each other's councils, and living each other's
lives. Probably the most important Englishman on the
frontier was Sir William Johnson, Baronet. Johnson may
have been one of the men Franklin had in mind when he wrote
that English Colonial society had trouble maintaining its
hold on many men once they had tasted Indian life. An
unidentified friend of Johnson's wrote of him:
If
Franklin was the most influential single individual at
the Albany congress, Johnson was not far behind. It was
Johnson who persuaded the reluctant Iroquois to attend the
congress, and who helped maintain an alliance that was
often strained severely by conflicts over land, as well as
the colonists' refusal to unite in face of the French
threat. Johnson was characterized by the Mohawks at the
Albany congress as "our lips and our tongue and our
mouth." Johnson often dressed as an Iroquois, led war
parties, sat on the Great Council of the league at times,
and pursued Mohawk women relentlessly. His freelance
sexual exploits were legend on both sides of the
Atlantic; Johnson was said to have fathered a hundred
Mohawk children. Such accounts have been disputed, but it
is relatively certain that he fathered at least eight
children among the Mohawks. The Mohawks did not seem to
mind his fecundity; they did not worry about dilution of
their gene pool because racial ethnocentricity was not
widely practiced in Iroquoian culture. In fact, the
Mohawks at the time appreciated Johnson's contributions
because their population had been depleted by war, and
since theirs was a matrilineal society, every child he
bore became a Mohawk. The shade of one's skin meant less
to the Mohawks than whether one accepted the laws of the
Great Peace, which contained no racial bars to membership
in the Six Nations.
Johnson's
sexual exploits sometimes met with wry reproval
from some of his white friends. Peter Wraxall, a former
aide to Johnson, wrote to him after hearing that he was
suffering from syphilis: "I thank God the pain in your
breast is removed. I hope your cough will soon
follow. As to the rest, you deserve the scourge and I
won't say I pity you."
Johnson
dealt extensively and maintained a close friendship
with Colden. He also was a close friend of Hendrick, with
whom he could speak fluent Iroquois. If the two men
wished, they could also communicate in English, since
Hendrick spoke it well, although he rarely spoke the
language at treaty councils. The experiences of Johnson,
who was at least as comfortable among the Iroquois as he was
among the English (his knowledge of England came from
Iroquois chiefs who had been there) illustrates how
permeable the Anglo-Iroquois frontier was at this crucial
juncture in Colonial history.
Perhaps
the most important Pennsylvania colonial at the
treaty councils was Conrad Weiser, a Mohawk by adoption
who supplied many of the treaty accounts which Franklin
published. A close friend of Franklin's, Weiser ranked
with Johnson in the esteem given him by the
Iroquois. Canassatego and Weiser were particularly close,
and when the Iroquois adopted him, the sachem said that
"we divided him into two parts. One we kept for
ourselves, and one we left to you." He was addressing
"Brother Onas," the Iroquoian name for the Pennsylvania
Colonial governor. During the 1744 Lancaster treaty,
Canassatego saluted Weiser:
Weiser
was the Iroquois' unofficial host at the 1744
Lancaster treaty. He bought them tobacco in hundred-pound
sacks, found hats for many of the chiefs, and cracked jokes
with Canassatego. Weiser also warned the colonists not to
mock the Iroquois if they found the Indians' manners
strange. He told the colonists that many of the Iroquois
understood English, although they often pleaded ignorance
of the language so that they could gather the colonists'
honest appraisals of Indians and Indian society. When
the Iroquois asked that rum-selling traders be driven from
their lands, Weiser made a show by smashing some of the
traders' kegs. When elderly Shickallemy became ill in
1747, Weiser dropped his official duties to care for the
ailing sachem, and to make sure that blankets and food
were delivered to his family during the winter.
The
importance accorded treaty councils usually meant
that the meetings would last at least two weeks, and
sometimes longer. Most of the councils were held in the
warmer season of the year, with June and July being the
most favored months. It was during those months that
oppressive heat and humidity enveloped the coastal cities
and insects carried into them diseases such as malaria. It
was a good time to retreat to the mountains -- to Lancaster
or Albany, or Easton, all frequent sites for treaty councils.
At
treaty councils, leaders of both Indian and Euro-American
cultures mingled not only at official meetings, but at
convivial, off-the-record sessions as well. The atmosphere
was that of a meeting of statesmen from co-equal nations, by
most accounts an excellent atmosphere for the exchange of
ideas of all kinds. This was especially true during the
quarter-century before 1763, when the Crown's need for
Iroquois alliance enforced a respect for cultural
practices that some of the more ethnocentric Colonial
commissioners found distasteful. The treaty councils were
the primary means not only for maintaining the
Anglo-Iroquois alliance against the French, but for
addressing matters, such as illegal land squatting, which
often strained the alliance. Appeals by the Indians for
Colonial commissioners to control the activities of their
own citizens were standard fare at the opening of most
treaty councils. Once such problems had been addressed,
the parties got down to diplomacy. "Shining the covenant
chain" was the metaphor most often used at the time for
such activity.
The
tone of the treaty councils was that of a peer
relationship; the leaders of sovereign nations met to
address mutual problems. The dominant assumptions of the
Enlightenment, near its height during the mid-eighteenth
century, cast Indians as equals in intellectual abilities
and moral sense to the progressive Euro-American minds of
the time. It was not until the nineteenth century that
expansionism brought into its service the full flower of
systematic racism that defined Indians as children, or
wards, in the eyes of Euro-American law, as well as
popular discourse.
Interest
in treaty accounts was high enough by 1736 for a
Philadelphia printer, Benjamin Franklin, to begin
publication and distribution of them. During that year,
Franklin published his first treaty account, recording the
proceedings of a meeting in his home city during September
and October of that year. During the next twenty-six
years, Franklin's press produced thirteen treaty
accounts. During those years, Franklin became involved to
a greater degree in the Indian affairs of Pennsylvania. By
the early 1750s, Franklin was not only printing treaties,
but representing Pennsylvania as an Indian commissioner as
well. It was his first diplomatic assignment. Franklin's
attention to Indian affairs grew in tandem with his
advocacy of a federal union of the colonies, an idea that
was advanced by Canassatego and other Iroquois chiefs in
treaty accounts published by Franklin's press as early as
1744. Franklin's writings indicate that as he became more
deeply involved with the Iroquois and other Indian peoples,
he picked up ideas from them concerning not only
federalism, but concepts of natural rights, the nature of
society and man's place in it, the role of property in
society, and other intellectual constructs that would be
called into service by Franklin as he and other American
revolutionaries shaped an official ideology for the new
United States. Franklin's intellectual interaction with
Indian peoples began, however, while he was a Philadelphia
printer who was helping to produce what has since been
recognized as one of the few indigenous forms of American
literature to be published during the Colonial period. In
the century before the American Revolution, some fifty
treaty accounts were published, covering forty-five treaty
councils. Franklin's press produced more than a quarter of
the total. These documents were one indication that a
group of colonies occupied by transplanted Europeans were
beginning to develop a new sense of themselves; a sense
that they were not solely European, but American as well.
Benjamin
Franklin was one of a remarkable group who helped
transform the mind of a group of colonies that were becoming
a nation. It would be a nation that combined the heritages
of two continents -- that of Europe, their ancestral home,
and America, the new home in which their experiment would
be given form and expression.
"Our Indians Have Outdone the Romans"
Though every one that is in the least acquainted with
the affairs of North-America, knows of what consequence
the Indians, commonly known to the people of New-York
by the name of the Five Nations, are both in Peace and
War, I know of no accounts of them published in English,
but what are meer [sic] Translations of French authors.
The present state of the Indian Nations exactly shows
the most Ancient and Original Condition of almost
every Nation; so, I believe that here we may with
more certainty see the original form of all
government, than in the most curious Speculations of
the Learned; and that the Patriarchal and other
Schemes in Politicks are no better than Hypotheses in
Philosophy, and as prejudicial to real Knowledge.
Each nation is an absolute Republick by itself,
govern'd in all Publick affairs of War and Peace by
the Sachems of Old Men, whose Authority and Power
is gained by and consists wholly in the opinions of the
rest of the Nation in their Wisdom and Integrity. They
never execute their Resolutions by Compulsion or
Force Upon any of their People. Honour and Esteem
are their principal Rewards, as Shame and being
Despised are their Punishments.
Their Great Men, both Sachems [civil chiefs] and
captains [war chiefs] are generally poorer than the
common people, for they affect to give away and
distribute all the Presents or Plunder they get in their
Treaties or War, so as to leave nothing for
themselves. If they should be once suspected of
selfishness, they would grow mean in the opinion of
their Country-men, and would consequently lose their
authority.
When one talks of the Five Nations in France, they
are thought, by a common mistake, to be meer
Barbarians, always thirsting after human blood; but
their True Character is very different. They are as
Politick and Judicious as well can be conceiv'd. This
appears from their management of the Affairs which
they transact, not only with the French and the
English, but likewise with almost all the Indian
Nations of this vast continent.
Their whole constitution breathes nothing but
liberty; and when there is equality of condition,
manners and privileges, and a constant familiarity in
society, as prevails in every Indian nation, and
through all our British colonies, there glows such a
cheerfulness and warmth of courage in each of their
breasts, as cannot be described.
The Five Nations have such absolute Notions of Liberty
that they allow of no Kind of Superiority of one over
another, and banish all Servitude from their
Territories. They never make any prisoner a slave,
but it is customary among them to make a Compliment of
Naturalization into the Five Nations; and, considering
how highly they value themselves above all others, this
must be no small compliment . . .
The former part of this history was written at New-York
in the year 1727, on Occasion of a Dispute which then
happened, between the government of New-York and some
Merchants. The French of Canada had the whole Fur
Trade with the Western Indians in their Hands, and were
supplied with their Woollen Goods from
New-York. Mr. Burnet, who took more Pains to be
Informed of the Interest of the People he was set over,
and of making them useful to their Mother Country than
Plantation Governors usually do, took the Trouble of
Perusing all the Registers of the Indian Affairs on
this occasion. He from thence conceived of what
Consequences the Fur Trade with the Western Indians was
of to Great Britain . . . the Manufactures depending on
it.
He [Burnet] considered what influence this trade had
on the numerous nations of Indians living on this vast
continent of North America, and who surround the
British Colonies; and what advantage it might be if
they were influenced by the English in case of a war
with France, and how prejudicial, on the other hand,
if they were directed by the French Counsels.
I shall only add that Mr. Burnet's scheme had the
desired effect: The English have gained the Trade
which the French, before that, had with the Indians to
the Westward of New York; and whereas, before that
time, a very inconsiderable number of men were
employed in the Indian Trade Abroad. Now above three
hundred men are employed at the Trading House at
Oswego alone, and the Indian trade has since that time
yearly increased so far, that several Indian nations
come now every summer to trade there, whose Names
were not so much as known by the English before.
The Six Nations have a great Authority and Influence
over the sundry tribes of Indians in alliance with the
French, and Particularly the Praying Indians, formerly
a part with ourselves, who stand in the very gates of
the French, and to shew our further Care, we have
engaged these very Indians, and other Indian allies of
the French for you. They will not join the French
against you. They have agreed with us before we set
out. We have put the spirit of Antipathy against the
French in those People. Our Interest is very
Considerable with them, and many other [Indian]
Nations, and as far as it ever extends, we shall use
it for your service.
Something in his natural temper responds to Indian
ways. The man holding up a spear he has just thrown,
upon which a fish is now impaled; the man who runs,
with his toes turned safely inward, through a forest
where a greenhorn could not walk, the man sitting
silent, gun on knee, in a towering black glade,
watching by candle flame for the movement of antlers
toward a tree whose bark has already been streaked by
the tongues of deer; the man who can read a bent
twig like an historical volume -- this man is William
Johnson, and he has learned all these skills from the
Mohawks.[1]
We hope that Tarachawagon [Weiser's Iroquois name] will
be preserved by the good Spirit to a good old Age; when
he is gone under Ground, it will be then time enough to
look out for another, and no doubt that amongst so many
Thousands as there are in the World, one such man may be
found, who will serve both parties with the same
Fidelity as Tarachawagon does; while he lives here
there is no room to complain.